南海仲裁案结果出来前，人们就已经质疑由 国际海洋法庭 庭长、安倍晋三谋士、日本右翼鹰牌人士 柳井俊二 挑选仲裁员的正当性。 菲律宾提起仲裁案时， 国际海洋法庭 庭长是日本人 柳井俊二 。此人从1961年起在日本外务省任职40年，官自外务省次长，曾任日本驻美国大使。2007起充当安倍智囊。 2015年被安倍晋三任命为日本新《安保法》的首席顾问， 为日本修宪、解禁集体自卫权等议题寻找法律依据并提供理论及策略支持， 是日本军事扩张政策的幕后推手。海牙仲裁庭的仲裁员除菲律宾指定一人之外，其余均由安倍谋士 柳井亲自挑选。 现在这位日本柳井出来自我辩护了。 根据 日本时报报道 ，柳井俊二称： “这些（日本）因素与案子完全没有关系。我只是正好是个日本人，但是海洋公约条款规定，如果仲裁双方没有指定仲裁员，那么国际海洋法庭庭长必须做这个事。我遵守了这些规定，是作为海洋法庭庭长，不是作为日本人的代表。我在法庭里完全不代表日本人。这相当明显。” （ “these factors are completely irrelevant to this case.” “I just happen to be a Japanese, but the annex to the convention provides that in case the arbitrators are not appointed by the parties or by agreement by the parties then the president of ITLOS must do it,” Yanai said. “I followed exactly these provisions. As the president of ITLOS, I didn’t act as a Japanese representative. I don’t represent the Japanese at all in the tribunal. That is quite obvious.” ） 柳井俊二的继续辩解之余，不忘对中国进行贬损：“这是个法律机构。不是一个联合国政治机构。。。这些仲裁员都是非常有知识的，品质好的。 在国际社会，除了中国，对这个组成都很认可 。” （“ And in the international community, this constitution was very well received — except by China.” ） 言下之意，中国是不尊重法律的。 为了证明日本人的公正，《日本时报》的报道称， 柳井俊二发现他指定的一名仲裁员配偶是菲律宾人之后，就把此人替换下来。借用一位评论者的话说，这个换人说明 柳井公正、无偏见。 不过人们会问，既然仲裁员的配偶是菲裔都得替换， 柳井俊二为何就不觉得他自己应该靠边呢？ 菲裔不见得敌视中国，跟菲裔结婚也不见得就敌视中国，但即使如此，菲裔的配偶充当南海仲裁员也是不当的。这一点 柳井俊二承认了，他换了人。 而 柳井俊二本人，这位日本外交官、安倍的谋士，却是实实在在敌视中国 -- 在钓鱼岛问题上， 柳井俊二声称尖阁列岛面临敌人（enemy）的威胁。而这个敌人当然就是中国。 法官的道德操守的第一条就是要规避利益冲突（avoid conflict of interest）、至少维护表面上的公正。如果这一条基本的道德操守都明知故犯，可谓品质低劣。 日本法官伪装的公正恰恰暴露了他实质的品质低劣。 南海仲裁庭从一开始就带着日本右翼的基因，其所谓仲裁结果缺乏基本的程序正当性。 值得庆幸的是，今天的中国已经不再是1931年的中国。 人类文明之间的争夺靠实力。海牙仲裁并没有就中国对南海诸岛的主权进行判断（也无权判断），而是说它们（包括菲律宾驻扎了人的）都不是岛，没有200海里专属经济区。在南海，中国应该采取的行动是武力驱逐占领中国若干岛屿的菲律宾人。夺回这些岛的控制权。 附件：海牙仲裁庭“AWARD” PH-CN-20160712-Award.pdf
在各国的压力下，安倍晋三在日本投降70周年的讲话勉强加入了一些类似反省的话。 中文媒体似乎只关注安倍晋三对日本在亚洲的战争的态度，注意到安倍既没有承认日本侵略，也 没有就日本的战争道歉，而只是说在他之前日本已经道歉 。这是一种只见树木、不见森林的分析，完全忽略了日本右翼政权的大前提，那就是其对日本侵略战争的道义性美化。 安倍晋三的演讲一开场即提到，100年前面对西方殖民主义，“日俄战争是对从亚洲到非洲的殖民地人民的鼓舞” （” The Japan-Russia War gave encouragement to many people under colonial rule from Asia to Africa.“） 。安倍的历史回顾从日俄战争（1904）开始，通过日俄战争把日本定性为挑战西方殖民主义的、亚洲人民的灯塔。完全不提日本在日俄战争之前对琉球（1879)、朝鲜与中国（1894）的侵略战争与屠杀，包括侵占并殖民琉球、朝鲜与台湾，以及后来日本与西方一道侵略中国（1900）。这种历史割裂是欺诈性的，因为如果提到日本之前对亚洲的侵略与殖民，那么所谓日本军国主义带领亚洲人挑战西方的谎言就无法成立。 在提到918事变后日本的对外战争时，安倍着重讲到的是日本军人在”忧虑国家前途与期望家庭幸福”中阵亡（” on the battlefields worrying about the future of their homeland and wishing for the happiness of their families“） ，日本东京等地遭受的轰炸，以及广岛、长崎日本平民遭到原子弹“无情的“轰击。提及中国等国时，安倍晋三轻描淡写：”众多无辜平民成为战斗的牺牲者” （” numerous innocent citizens suffered and fell victim to battles“）。安倍完全忽略了日军在非战斗情况下蓄意屠杀平民、强暴妇女的罪行。 与那些自作多情的解读不同，安倍晋三完全没有承认日军强征慰安妇是的罪恶，而只是说"不能忘记有后方女性的荣誉与尊严受到损伤“ (" We must never forget that there were women behind the battlefields whose honour and dignity were severely injured.") 。 安倍强调，日本人口 80% 出生于战后，日本必须不能让子孙后代生来就得道歉。安倍完全忽略了日本新一代否定日本战争罪行、美化其父辈、祖辈罪行的做法，等同于继承发扬军国主义罪恶。 在演讲最后，安倍把日本的过去总结成”国际秩序的挑战者“（” We will engrave in our hearts the past, when Japan ended up becoming a challenger to the international order.“），等于重申日本发动战争是对西方殖民主义的挑战。对未来的日本，安倍称”将高举积极奉献和平的旗帜，为世界和平与繁荣做出更大的贡献“ （” hoist the flag of “ Proactive Contribution to Peace ,” and contribute to the peace and prosperity of the world more than ever before.“）。 日本新安保法已经授权日军对他国进行抢先打击，日本” 积极奉献和平”的新政策对中国构成的威胁不亚于当年的“大东亚共荣圈”。 安倍演讲日官方英文版： http://japan.kantei.go.jp/97_abe/statement/201508/0814statement.html r of Japan
链接： http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/205219.pdf 关于安倍晋三部分内容 “ Abe embraces a revisionist view of Japanese history that rejects the narrative of imperial Japanese aggression and victimization of other Asians. He has been involved with groups arguing that Japan has been unjustly criticized for its behavior as a colonial and wartime power. Among the positions advocated by these groups, such as Nippon Kaigi Kyokai, are that Japan should be applauded for liberating much of East Asia from Western colonial powers, that the 1946-1948 Tokyo War Crimes tribunals were illegitimate, and that the killings by Imperial Japanese troops during the 1937 “Nanjing massacre” were exaggerated or fabricated. Historical issues have long colored Japan’s relationships with its neighbors, particularly China and South Korea, who remain resentful of Japan’s occupation and belligerence during the World War II period. Abe’s selections for his Cabinet appear to reflect these views, as he chose a number of politicians well-known for advocating nationalist, and in some cases ultra-nationalist views. ” 翻译：安倍的修正主义历史观否认日本侵略、否认日本伤害其他亚洲国家。他辩称日本被不正当地被作为殖民战争者遭到指责。 安倍所在的团体认为：日本应该为其从西方殖民者统治下解放东亚而受到赞扬，东京对日本战犯的审判非法，1937年的南京大屠杀被夸大或者纯属虚构。 历史问题长期是日本与其邻邦的争议问题，特别是中国与南韩，这些国家对日本当年的占领与侵略保持憎恨。 安倍对其内阁成员的挑选体现他的观点，其内阁成为很多是右翼份子，包括某些极右翼份子。 Comfort Women Issue Abe’s statements on the so-called “comfort women”—sex slaves used by the Japanese imperial military during its conquest and colonization of several Asian countries in the 1930s and 1940s— have been criticized by other regional powers and the U.S. House of Representatives in a 2007 resolution. Abe has suggested that his government might consider revising a 1993 official Japanese apology for its treatment of these women, a move that would be sure to degrade Tokyo’s relations with South Korea and other countries. 慰安妇问题： 安倍有关慰安妇的观点在2007年遭到美国众议院的谴责。安倍表示他将修改1993年日本就慰安妇问题发表的道歉，此举将使 日本与南韩及其他国家关系恶化。
Translated by The Washington Post. Prime Minister Abe : I would like to thank the two of you for coming all the way to Tokyo. In this building, it used to be used previously as the prime minister’s office, and I wanted to welcome you here to this building for this interview today. Next week, I will be visiting the United States and a meeting with President Obama is scheduled for 22nd. On the 26th of December of last year, I took office for my second term as prime minister. And it is the first time ever since then-Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida, during the occupation period, that a prime minister is taking this position for the second time with a number of years in between. In Japan, usually, once you become prime minister, you do not have a second chance. Probably the reason why that was not the case this time is because Japan is facing an increasingly challenging situation. In particular, it’s the sluggish economy that we are facing, and also the fact that Fukushima and the areas affected by the Great East Japan Earthquake are having a hard time in their reconstruction efforts. Also, as a result of the trust and confidence between Japan and the United States having gone through a pretty rocky period, Japan’s foreign policy clout has been declining. And the stability in Japan’s adjacent waters and in the Asia-Pacific region is being affected, with acts of provocation seen against Japan’s territory and territorial waters. And also, the sluggish economy is creating a situation where the young people in Japan cannot cherish their desires or have prospects for their future. Also, the decline in Japan’s economic capability is resulting in a declining presence for Japan’s foreign policy as well. Accordingly, the duties and mission that I must fulfill are pretty clear: namely, to regain a strong and robust economy, and also to restore Japan’s strong foreign policy capability. Now, regarding the economy, I believe I have succeeded already in changing the general mood and atmosphere that was prevalent in Japan. Also, in my foreign policy agenda, I have recently visited Indonesia, Vietnam and Thailand, and regained the trust with Asian nations. Also, next week, I will be visiting the United States, and after a successful meeting with President Obama, I wish to demonstrate to the people in Japan, as well as overseas, that we have been able to fully restore the strong bonds and friendship between Japan and the United States under the Japan-U.S. alliance. While we reinforce the relations with countries that share the values such as freedom, democracy, basic human rights and rule of law and expand the outer border of this “value-oriented diplomacy,” I’d like to look at the entire world with a bird’s-eye view and develop a foreign policy that can contribute to this region, as well as the world, for the Japanese economy and from a geopolitical perspective. Question : What will it take to make your visit successful? Are their specific accomplishments you’re hoping to achieve in Washington?‘ Abe : Specifically, first of all, in relation to the nuclear test that has been undertaken by North Korea recently and the attempt being made by North Korea to strengthen its nuclear capability, as well as to increase its capability for missiles as a means of delivery, I wish to discuss with President Obama how we might be able to check and stop these developments, and also how we might be able to change North Korea’s policy. In that regard, I wish to be able to make the meeting between myself and President Obama in itself a message that we can send. At the same time, I wish to make the point that in the context of the enormously changing security environment in the Asia-Pacific, I wish to mention that strengthening and reinforcing the alliance between Japan and the United States will be able to contribute to peace and stability in the region. Abe : Specifically, first of all, in relation to the nuclear test that has been undertaken by North Korea recently and the attempt being made by North Korea to strengthen its nuclear capability, as well as to increase its capability for missiles as a means of delivery, I wish to discuss with President Obama how we might be able to check and stop these developments, and also how we might be able to change North Korea’s policy. In that regard, I wish to be able to make the meeting between myself and President Obama in itself a message that we can send. At the same time, I wish to make the point that in the context of the enormously changing security environment in the Asia-Pacific, I wish to mention that strengthening and reinforcing the alliance between Japan and the United States will be able to contribute to peace and stability in the region. Regarding trade, I believe that a free trading environment would be in the national interest of Japan. I believe that we need to capture and incorporate the growth potential that we have in the Asia-Pacific region for the growth of Japan going forward. Accordingly, I also wish to discuss the TPP with President Obama. Q : What are you hoping to hear from him that would allow Japan to enter those talks, and what do you think is the earliest that you would be able to enter the talks if you do? Abe : In my meeting with President Obama, I would say one very important point would be whether I can be convinced on whether or not Japan’s participation in the TPP will have a positive effect on the national interests of Japan. The TPP is expected to have considerable effects in various different areas in Japan, so from that perspective, after my meeting with President Obama I intend to analyze the various effects that may be expected, and also analyze the prior consultations once again. Based upon these results, I’ll decide whether or not to participate at an appropriate time. Therefore, I would say my meeting with President Obama will be important in making that decision. Q : So participation could come before the summer election? Abe : I am not able to say anything definite regarding the timing at the moment, but what I can say is that I have no intention of making the upper house elections a central element in my consideration of whether or not to join the TPP. I say so because the timing of the elections is something that has a bearing on the interests of the LDP as a political party. But the decision on whether or not to join TPP negotiations is a matter that would have a bearing on Japan’s national interests. So I intend to make a decision based on consideration of Japan’s national interests, meaning that I wish to make the decision without considering the angle of the elections. Q : You mentioned that not many prime ministers get a second chance. How are you different this time, and how do you think you’ve done so far in these couple of months? Abe : During the election that just ended, and also at the time of elections for president of the LDP, the issue of the economy was one of the main topics. In that process, I advocated for a monetary policy that was somewhat different than the policy held by those in the mainstream in the Bank of Japan and in monetary policy. That has probably gained the support of those who felt we needed to do something to change the current situation. So that may have led me to be elected for the second time as president of the LDP. Also, regarding the security environment, for instance, we were having many cases of violations made by Chinese government vessels in territorial waters of Japan, and also we were experiencing many cases where there have been intrusions into Japan’s air defense identification zone and territorial airspace. I believe, therefore, that that has attracted support for my very strong position that we should make sure to defend the Japanese territory, territorial waters and airspace with strong determination. And also, at the same time, my past track record with having made improvements in the relationship with Japan and China may have also been a factor in being reelected. It was in the first Abe administration that we started the mutually beneficial relationship based on common strategic interests between Japan and China. And I believe all these elements together have culminated in support for me during the elections. Q : But if I could just follow up, did you learn something from the first term, and are you different now than you were in 2006-07? Abe : I did learn from many mistakes. First and foremost, I learned that it is important to create a wide base of support within the LDP. In forming the cabinet this time, I included almost all the members of the LDP whom I ran against during the party election for president. Also, as a result of the lessons I learned, this time my policy priorities have become very clear. This would include first and foremost restoring a robust economy. I believe this has resulted in the strong support that I am getting from the people. Q : A number of people comment on your strong focus on the economy but also say that in your heart, the issues of history — and how Japan is perceived historically — is very important to you, so that eventually during your prime ministership those issues are bound to come out. I wonder if you could comment on that. Abe : Regarding what happened in the past, much like my predecessors, I believe that we caused tremendous damage and suffering to the countries of Asia. That is why Japan has been providing support and assistance to the countries of Asia even from the days when Japan was still a poor country. And I believe that the path Japan has taken has been the correct path. In the postwar years, we have attached great importance to pursuing the principles of freedom, democracy, basic human rights and the rule of law. I believe that was also a correct path. That is why, as I said previously, we have been making a great effort to further promote these values. My basic notion regarding the matter of historical recognition is basically, it’s a matter that should be left to the good hands of historians and experts. And this is a position that I have been taking consistently ever since the first Abe government. This is a point that I have been making consistently ever since my first term in office, as well as in Diet deliberations and interviews. Q : So, if you’re going to leave it to historians, does that mean you will let the statements of 1993 and 1995 stand as is? Or should there ultimately be a review of them? Abe : The Murayama Statement was issued on the 50th anniversary of the war end, and also on the 60th anniversary after World War II, Prime Minister Koizumi also issued a statement. I wish to issue a statement at an appropriate time, but as I mentioned earlier, it is my belief that politicians should not be stepping into the realm of history. Rather, politicians should be taking a future-oriented perspective, and that is the perspective from which I intend to issue a statement at the appropriate time. Q : What does that mean, “future-oriented?” Abe : I mean to say that Japan should speak about the role Japan should be playing in our relations with Asia. Q : What is their larger purpose, do you think? What is China trying to achieve with what it is doing in the Senkaku Islands? Abe : China, as a nation, is a country under the one-party rule of the Communist Party, but it has introduced the market economy. As a country that is under the one-party rule of the Communist Party, normally what they should be seeking is equality of results. And I believe it is fair to say that is probably what constitutes the legitimacy of one-party rule by the Communist Party. But as a result of introducing the market economy, China, has dropped one of its pillars of legitimacy, which was equal results for all. This has led them to require some different pillars — one of which is high economic growth, and another of which is patriotism. As part of their effort to seek natural resources needed for their high economic growth, I believe they are moving into the sea. And the other pillar they are now seeking is teaching patriotism in their education. What is unfortunate, however, is that in the case of China, teaching patriotism is also teaching anti-Japanese sentiment. In other words, their education policy of teaching patriotism has become even more pronounced as they started the reform and opening policy. In that process, in order to gain natural resources for their economy, China is taking action by coercion or intimidation, both in the South China Sea and the East China Sea. This is also resulting in strong support from the people of China, who have been brought up through this educational system that attaches emphasis on patriotism. This, however, is also a dilemma faced by China. That is to say, the mood and atmosphere created by the education in China attaching importance on patriotism — which is in effect focusing on anti-Japanese sentiment — is in turn undermining their friendly relationship with Japan and having an adverse effect on its economic growth. And the Chinese government is well aware of this. Q : Okay, so if you are going to follow this theory through, it means the problem in China is very ingrained. How does Japan counter that, and do you see any solution to the maritime issue, and more broadly, between Japan and China in their overall relationship? Abe : What is important, first of all, is that their leaders as well as business leaders recognize how deeply ingrained this issue is. Because without having this recognition, they will not be able to find a solution that can produce results. In this context, I wish to make the point that without economic growth, they will not be able to control the 1.3billion people in China under the one-party rule by the Communist Party. What is important, first and foremost, is to make them realize that they would not be able to change the rules or take away somebody’s territorial water or territory by coercion or intimidation. Accordingly, for the first time in 11 years, I have increased our defense budget, as well as the budget for the Japan coast guard. It is important for us to have them recognize that it is impossible to try to get their way by coercion or intimidation. In that regard, the Japan-U.S. alliance, as well as the U.S. presence, would be critical. I believe it will be important to establish rules for ensuring freedom of the sea, not only in the East China Sea, but also including the South China Sea. Regarding the Senkaku Islands, which is under the valid control of Japan, we need to make them recognize that that current status of Japan’s valid control cannot be changed by coercion or intimidation. Such behavior is going to have an effect on their economic activity at the end of the day, because it will lead to losing the confidence of the international community which will result in less investments in China. I believe it is fully possible to have China to change their policy once they gain that recognition. Now, while Japan is also gaining profit through our investments in China, China is also enjoying an increase in jobs of 10million or so as a result of investments being made by Japan in China. Obviously when there is greater risk, Japan’s investment will start to drop sharply, and I believe it would be important for them to realize that. Q : If I could just come back to next week one last time, I think the United States over the last years has been frustrated by the frequent change of leadership here. I wonder if you think this will mark a reset in relations, and will you be able to tell President Obama that you’ll be around longer than one year? Abe : After I stepped down from my first term as prime minister, there have been two LDP administrations and also three DPJ administrations who eventually stepped down. In my case, I had no choice but to resign because of some health problems. This is a condition I used to have for quite some time back, but with the development of a spectacular new drug, I have been able to totally recover and improve my health. So, physically speaking, I should be able to continue in my current position for a considerable number of years. Including myself, there have been six prime ministers that have stepped down after one year, and the tendency is seen that the approval rating that was high at the beginning starts to decline after about a month. Whereas this time, fortunately, approval ratings have been considerably increased for two months in a row, and some results show over 70 percent at the moment. So I would consider that it’s important to maintain such a high approval rating. Of course, it will be very difficult to maintain the current approval rating, but I do not intend to be consumed with approval ratings or be taken over by them. But rather, I would say, it would be important to have a very stable management of policy, and in that regard I would say it would be very important to be successful in the upcoming upper house elections to take place this summer.
Japan’s Monetary Policies Are Disastrous for U.S. Economy: Peter Schiff By Bernice Napach | Daily Ticker – 19 hours ago Japan's new Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is determined to revive the country's faltering economy. Today he announced a $117 billion stimulus package and in less than two weeks the Bank of Japan will consider extending its easy monetary policy for the second meeting in a row—something it hasn’t done since 2003. Under pressure from Abe , the BOJ is expected to expand its purchases of government bonds and double its inflation target to 2%. This move is expected to devalue the yen in an effort to boost exports and the broader Japanese economy. Japan's monetary policies will hurt Japan's economy and the U.S. economy, says Peter Schiff , CEO of Euro Pacific Precious Metals. “Japan doesn’t need more inflation," he says. "They actually need a stronger yen, higher interest rates. They need to allow their economy to restructure…to shrink government. Instead they’re simply going to do more of what’s been failing for the past two decades.” He tells The Daily Ticker that if inflation rises in Japan, Japanese citizens will likely unload low-yielding Japanese bonds in favor of higher yielding precious metals and other assets. That could force the BOJ to buy more Japanese government debt instead of U.S. government debt, says Schiff. Related : "Obscene Stimulus" Will Trigger 'Made in Japan' Crisis in 2013: Mauldin Why is this a big deal? Because Japan is the second biggest foreign owner of U.S. government bonds after China. If the BOJ cuts back on U.S. government bond purchases, the U.S. Treasury will be forced to pick up the slack, says Schiff. “That means more money printing here …so we will have more domestic inflation,” Schiff adds. “Eventually none of the foreign central banks will want to buy more dollars when they figure out the game that we’re playing, continually creating money to buy products we can’t afford.” Related: 2013 Could be the Year Japan's Economy Turns Around: Cumberland's Witherell Former Federal Reserve Governor Randall Kroszner says Japan needs to change policy but not in the way Schiff suggests. In a recent New York Times op-ed he writes, “The highest priority in the economic revival plan of the newly elected prime minister, Shinzo Abe, is to strong-arm the Bank of Japan into acknowledging that it will do simply 'whatever it takes' to reverse deflation there and allow a recovery to take root." Kroszner recommends that the BOJ continue its aggressive Japanese government bond purchases without signaling that the policy is a temporary one, as it did after the Japanese economy fell into recession in the early 1990s. Will Japanese easing hurt the U.S. Treasury market? Tell us what you think! Got a topic you’d like covered? Have a guest you’d like to see interviewed? We’d love to hear from you! Send us an email at [email protected] . You can also look us up on Twitter and Facebook .
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